Tuesday, May 19, 2015

Reviews: "The Tea Ceremony and Women’s Empowerment in Modern Japan" and "Japanese Tea Culture: Art, History and Practice"



Reviews by LAUREN W. DEUTSCH
KYOTO JOURNAL 71


The Tea Ceremony and Women’s Empowerment in Modern Japan: Bodies Re-presenting the Past
by Etsuko Kato
(2004, Routledge Curzon, New York)

Japanese Tea Culture: Art, History and Practice
Morgan Pitelka, ed.
(2001, Routledge Curzon, New York)


Coffee–table books about tea tend to offer pristine views of paradise and bowls of world peace. Page after page of steamy shadows and shadowy steam, dewy landscapes fashioned by gods with impeccable taste, a solitary red maple leaf or cherry blossom petal captured mid-fall, fresh green tea froth (or sludge, depending upon your “school”) glaring up through ceramic ensos like the third eye of the Wizard of Oz. Enough!
For a breath of fresh wind in the pines, two books from the scholastic press of Routledge Curzon are recommended for those with a serious inquiry into the world and way, practice and place of the tea ritual in Japanese culture: The Tea Ceremony and Women’s Empowerment in Modern Japan: Bodies Re-presenting the Past, a dissertation by Etsuko Kato, and Japanese Tea Culture: Art, History and Practice, a collection of sometimes quirky but scholarly essays edited by Morgan Pitelka.
“We participate in a tradition of commentary and critique that extends back to the sixteenth century … In writing, we participate in the ongoing cultural production of tea,” states editor Morgan Pitelka, editor of the first book mentioned. One thing for sure is that the do (way) of cha, like the yu (hot water) for cha, is not a catalyst strictly speaking. It has changed in the process of changing culture.
Kato’s book illuminated and clarified many of my own observations as a practitioner of chanoyu for 24 years, mostly in the company of Nisei, Sansei and recent Ise expats living in Southern California. She presents a thoughtful critique from behind-the-scenes of the growth and development of chanoyu as enterprise for women in particular.
On the other hand, Pitelka, a professor of Japanese culture with an expertise in ceramics for tea practice, is the “outsider.” His contributors look at tea through a diverse set of filters, from social and art historians, current and former functionaries of tea schools, museum curators and an academic anthropologist. He promises that “This book is in no way representative of a new school or movement of tea scholarship.” Neither is it another gospel patronized by or in homage to the current chanoyu “establishment”.
Each book has a section that addresses the sanctification of Sen no Rikyu, chanoyu’s great tea ancestor and in whose name we study and practice the craft / art. The fact of Rikyu’s imprint on tea since the mid 16th Century, and through him, the likes of scholar-priest Eisai, Murata Shuko Takeno Joo, Kobori Enshu and his contemporary Furuta Oribe and progeny are admired, is not in question, but his “word” has become legendary and subject to commentary, much like what Talmud is to Torah.
In Pitelka’s book the essay “Rikyu Has Left the Tea Room”, tackles Rikyu’s star-power through analysis of three modern biographical films. Kato, on the other hand, looks at the commodification of the Rikyu mythology and the bloodline of the iemoto system (hereditary lineages producing quasi-monopolistic authorities).
If we were to take Rikyu literally, we would we only need to acquire tea, carry water, chop wood, make a fire, boil water and knead the mixture. By alchemical extension, we would convert history into tradition, tradition into spirituality, spiritually into social propriety, social propriety into intellectual expose.
Both books also discuss in detail how chanoyu’s economic, social and cultural “capital” have developed and been manipulated to suit the needs the tea establishment. Tea as enterprise impacted clusters of complementary professionals (e.g. ceramic craftspeople and merchants) who were able to make a living sharing the practice, even if only limitedly, to a willing and impressionable populace.
If there was such a cultural complex as chanoyu a half century ago in the USA, it would have been studied as home economics. To elevate it to the status it enjoys in Japan would require patronage by someone as pop culturally powerful as Martha Stewart or Oprah Winfrey. This is clear from Kato’s feminist approach. For example she takes us to a Japanese department store “art” gallery exhibition entitled “Saint Rikyu”. More than just “big box” stores of today, in Japan they are to women in the tea world the equivalent of men’s social clubs: natural, “safe” places that present chanoyu as “high” art and socially acceptable places for women to gather in public outside the home and tea room. I was told by a tea informant that Japanese women were more liable to travel independently of their husbands and with their female friends to national or international destinations following their grand master teachers around in the name of tea. The delegations of dozens of middle age women chajins who have visited Los Angeles over the years is proof.
A significant portion of her writing covers the practice of temae, the set of choreographed movements comprising the modular elements of the longer, more “formal” chaji tea gathering. The “birth of tea as “sogo-bunka” discourse, the “cultural synthesis” or compendium of every traditional Japanese cultural “art” form has important implications. She also distinguishes tea benkyo (study) of tea as geijutsu (artistic form) fromsaho(“etiquette or good manners with emphasis on mind”). Given the emphasis on “bodies” in the subtitle, I did expect a deeper discussion by Kato about body image and the physicality of practice. She does mention wearing of kimono but doesn’t mention anything about the painful practice of sitting seiza.
Both Pitelka and Kato utilize chanoyu as a portal, rather than as metaphor for further social and cultural studies. She takes the tack of feminist theory and looks at the lives of women in the post-Pacific War period, their achievements in higher education, marriage-ability, vocation / avocations, etc. Chanoyu practice is regarded with high status among all cultural elites in Japan, and a woman’s top rank could even place her in some circles above her corporate executive husband.
One of Pitelka’s authors presents how 20th Century excavations on Sanjo-dori in Kyoto at known sites of ceramics merchants’ shops are revealing how Momoyama folks shopped for “pots for tea”, what types and styles of goods were sold during that period.
Pitelka’s own writing examine the Edosenke school’s “warrior tea”, prominent in the late Tokugawa period, and the often-marginalized Sen Koshin Sosa, the founder of Omotesenke tea school. Another of his contributors offers insight into the early karamono (Chinese objects) utensils as they made the transition from use in sencha (leaf tea) ceremonies to matcha (powdered tea). Two other essays explore how chanoyu utensils were valued by warlords’ as battle spoils. In some ways chanoyu seems a bit like a Mata Hari, something that could stop the boys in their tracks and make them find true happiness.
I have always wondered whether there was any tea practice among Japanese-Americans relegated to remote concentration camps and the chado studies of my own sensei who spent that period in Japan at the home of the XIV Urasenke grandmaster. I cannot imagine that making tea was as forbidden as was the practice kyudo or kendo, Zen archery and sword, respectively for two reasons. First, neither tea ladle nor scoop could be mistaken for a weapon; although they are handled with those in mind. Secondly, no one would consider a female master chajin’s making a bowl of tea a threat to national security.

30 Decades of Getting in The Way!

As seen in a shop window in Berlin
In celebration of this, my third decade of getting in the way of tea (literally), I have decided to consolidate a lot of my writing about the way of tea and related artistic / cultural interests in this blog. The reviews (film, opera, books, etc.) were previously published (when noted) in Kyoto Journal for which I have been writing since 1992. I hope you will enjoy them.

In addition, I have two other main blogs:

Trads in Contempo Life where I publish much of my other cultural interests, including Jewish and Korean shamanist traditions, and Holy Beggar, being an exploration of begging and other aspects of fundraising, the economy and nonprofit sector work. 

For my professional work, please  go to Pacific Rim Arts.



JAPAN GOES MOD(ERN)



JAPAN GOES MOD(ERN)

3 REVIEWS BY LAUREN W. DEUTSCH
KYOTO JOURNAL 58

Turning Point: Oribe and the Arts of Sixteenth-Century Japan
Miyeko Murase, ed. (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2003)

 Mavo: Japanese Artists and The Avant-Garde 1905-1931 
Gennifer Weisenfeld (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2002)

Mirror of Modernity: Invented Traditions of Modern Japan
Stephen Vlastos, Ed. (University of California Press, Berkeley, 1998)

Imagine … It's early 1924. Furuta Oribe XII's 20-something only son, Oribe xiii, is deep into an early mid-life crisis. Life as an heir-apparent is not cutting it. Endlessly attending and holding those stuffy tea gatherings every time a cherry blossom petal takes to wind or a maple leaf blushes. He's full-up-to-here with the pretentiousness of emptiness, with a capital "EMPTY". Besides, no one sits seiza anymore.

His family's legacy of quirky ceramics and interior design, so beloved by generations of aesthetes of yore, has not transitioned into the new social economy. The Western hungry ghosts have insatiable appetites for Japanese oldies-but-goodies Chinoiserie knock-offs. The nouveau riche industrialists are good to go 24/7 with assembly line versions of his great-great-great-etc. granddaddy's classics, but the output is so much vulgar stuttering, diluting the genius of spontaneity. They think a whack of a paddle, a swish of brown slip and a splat of green glaze and … a masterpiece. Ha!

Very soon he'll be installed with full rights as Mr. XIII. This will mean managing and supporting the dreary household staff. It's not his cup of tea.

Wriggling out of the nijiriguchi, he hangs up the "Sorry We Missed You!" sign on the roji gate and heads for the sento. In the genkan, the front page of the morning's shinbun blasts an editorial about the decline of morals of youth due to a dangerous and growing sense of individualism among the intelligentsia. Women are cutting their hair short, exposing their skin in public, and men are wearing unisex fashion. There's a notice about a group of artists who are staging an art show and poetry reading at a café in support of a petition for more affordable housing. Another about the round up of students hanging out at that same joint.

Slipping into his new brown hounds-tooth jodhpur, cream mohair jacket and forest green leather boots, he heads shitamachi to find that little café. His soul is dry. And he's very thirsty. Thirsty for a fresh look at the world.

Consider what might transpire if xiii had met the modernists of his own time, Picasso for sure … But this fantasy must serve this review, so he meets Murayama Tomoyoshi and his band of merry Taisho pranksters, the artists of the Mavo movement.

Turning Point is the long awaited book on about the impact of Momoyama generalissimo chajin Furuta Oribe on Japanese aesthetics. Hideaki Furukawa, the director of The Museum of Fine Arts in Gifu, offers in its early pages, "The impulse to challenge and defy convention could be called the defining theme of Japan's Momoyama period. 'Oribe' neatly captures this sprit of creative nonconformity…" The Oribe book made its debut in sync with the block-buster one-stop exhibition of the same name held at New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art staged at the end of 2003 through early 2004.

Weisenfeld's dense opus, Mavo,  is a chronicle of the activities, inspirations and impact of Mavo, the Japanese sociopolitical aesthetic movement dated 1905 - 1931. It primarily focuses on Murayama Tomoyoshi, the movement's mastermind, who seemed to have a whole lot of fun stirring up the already turbulent Taisho status quo, with a capital QUO. While a bit dense to casually, the narrative would serve very well if complementing an exhibition.

"Mavo was a self-proclaimed avant-garde constellation of artists and writers collaborating in a dynamic and rebellious movement that not only shook up the art establishment, but also made an indelible imprint on the art criticism of the period," she outlines.

Rigorous narratives supported by copious illustrations fill these two volumes. By re- and de-constructing reputations, myths and the physical remnants of the times, they address philosophy and production of art in a multitude of methods -- from clay and oil painting and sculpture, to architecture, theatre and the mass media. They also give us images of how Japan deals with errant aesthetes.

During each period, evolutions of artistic styles were inseparable from developments in Japanese enterprise, hegemony and industrialization, mass consumer culture, and social order. Bookending three centuries of isolationism, it may be argued that the volumes under consideration reflect "modernist" trends within its own time period, providing an interesting spectrum from which to explore the premise of Vlastos' book Mirror of Modernity: Invented Traditions of Modern Japan

"Artists are too often omitted from sociopolitical studies [of the Japanese intelligentsia], here they gain their rightful place in the debates of the early twentieth century. Including those who dealt with art: educators, bureaucrats, dealers, collectors and publishers," notes Weisenfeld.

As an exhibition catalog, Turning Point is a font of illustrations of stunning dogu for chanoyu. It also contains generous helpings of mind -candy about the who / how / huh of Oribe. In addition, it offers literary works, screen painting and even Portuguese maps and diaries. Each points to Oribe's impact as a major "player" in volatile and changing political, social and cultural landscapes of his time … and now.

A major focus of the book and exhibition is the new archeological scholarship being undertaken at historic Seto kiln sites. Sifting through household waste and layers of potsherds, they are documenting the popularity and mass production of Oribe-ness. What is lacking in both book and exhibition is a sampling of today's Oribe-ish ephemera such as plastic sushi bar shoyu dishes. Do I ask too much?

The editor states, "During the era of Oribe, a common aesthetic language bound all the visual arts more strongly than any other time in Japan before or since, and intimate working relationships existed among artists in different media." Until the advent of Mavo, perhaps.

Like the French impressionists in the late 19th century, Murayama and his avant-garde cronies took on the gadan (art establishment) of their time, unabashedly challenging conventional taste and social norms. And like Oribe, Murayama was charismatic and drew tremendous inspiration from his collaborations with others.

Where Oribe's jazzy naturalistic designs were to be "seen" mostly dimly lit tea rooms set to promote harmony and tranquilly, purity and respect, MaVo was a brash, in-your-face under- and-above-ground collective tour de force affront to the bitter reality of life Meiji / Taisho.

The origin and significance of the "Mavo" name itself  seems to be contested among the group members. The most widely disseminated story has it coming from a random selection within a collective process with representation of the membershipitself. While a hotly disputed conclusion, it proved to be a useful "brand", replete with mystery. The actual composition of "membership" also waxes and wanes with opinions, however scholarly, but consensus contends it fluctuated.

What is quite clear, however, is that they played turned everything upside down and backwards.. For example, The "V" in Mavo on their publication covers is mimicked in several of the members' (men and women) hair styles … or is it vice versa? Like Andy Warhol's "Factory" in New York of the 1960s, the group of young, largely self-trained Mavo men and women spent as much energy promoting its manifesto as making the "art" itself.

"While drawn together because of a 'constructivist inclination,'" states the author, "the Mavo artists did not assert ideological solidarity. Rather, they maintained distinct convictions, respecting each other's personal goals."
On the serious art side, Mavo was deeply imprinted by German Abstract Expressionism and the "happenings" of Dada and other modernist movements in Europe and the USA. Illustrations include architectural designs catering to the lifestyle of the proletariat. Graphic designs for leftist literary works, periodicals and promotional materials for Mavo events incorporated typographic influences of Europe (including classic Germanic script and Hebrew!).

Weisenfeld writes:  "They strived to revolutionize the form, function and intent of Japanese art. They aimed to reestablish a connection they felt had been broken in the Meiji period with the codification of autonomous "fine art' based on the Western model … reintegrating art into the social (and political) practice of everyday life."

As a friend living in Japan said, it would take an exhibition in New York or Paris for Furuta Oribe to be publicly claimed by the Japanese as a favorite son in "mixed" (gai and Nihon-jin) company. And then there's Mavo. Can't imagine the French keeping Picasso a secret for 400 years, much less declaring the uniqueness of analytical cubism.
  
If you're reading Kyoto Journal, you have undoubtedly been in this situation: You're in the market check-out line; your basket includes tofu. The Japanese customer in front of you turns and, eyeing the tofu, says, "You can eat?" You nod, perhaps a polite grunt, and say, "Do you eat this?" "Yes, but I am Japanese."
  
In Mirror of Modernity his excellent collection of essays on an eclectic assortment of "modernisms", Stephen Vlastos writes, "Modern Japan is widely regarded as a society saturated with customs, values and social relationships that organically link present generations of Japanese to past generations." (The accompanying article, "En Avant Garde" attempts to exercise this notion.)


A confession: I fell for it when I was a teenager. I believed in Japan's reverence for the traditional. I shunned rock 'n' roll for origami. I completely missed the party scene in the 60s and am trying to make up for lost time by getting high on matcha and eating dried breakfast cereal called "Zen".

An easy, entertaining read (with a great index, glossary and bibliography), the book takes us backstage to view the artifices of the Meiji and Taisho with compelling arguments to support his conclusion that there may be no there "there". It's done with mirrors.

Vlastos central question is, "How, by whom, under what circumstances, and to what social and political effect are certain practices and ideas formulated, institutionalized and propagated as tradition?"

While it is stated that Ito Hirobumi was the principal architect of Japan's modernization project in the latter part of the 19th Century, we are told that Yanagita Kunio invented the "tradition of Japanese tradition" by claiming, "Japan's preservation of its original culture made Japan unique among modern nations. Japan alone had achieved modernity without cutting itself off from its original culture."

"Every tradition trades between two poles: imagination and contrivance, creation and deception, he says."

The explosive growth of Japanese capitalism after World War I sparked new media technologies, new forms of entertainment and pleasure seeking, and the mass markets with their items of personal consumption. It's how the Daimyos became princes and evolved into CEOs.

Vlastos' selection of 16 essays by which to explore the social and cultural chaos is eclectic: the fundamental notion of wa, harmony, is hit head-on. Other checkpoints include labor management, shifting gender roles as reflected in the café waitress as moga (modern girl), the development of sentimentality for folksy village life, the challenges to tame colonial Manchuko with Imperial loyalty. At the same time the archipelago was evolving into a "modern" nation state, newly contrived prefectural identities were galvanized with neo-religious fervor.

One of the most intriguing discussions is the morphing of the classic warrior skills into more broadly accessible martial arts, budo, represented here by Kokudan judo. This provided a safe way to address the threat of the growing popularity of sports and the penultimate expression of world harmony, the Olympics  -- a Western construct which was considered dangerous to the populace as it could infect society with "individualism and liberalism". Author Inoue Shun notes, "Ideologues argued that sports must be "Japanized" through budo." These "games" became a much-needed "safe" expression of national identity and was consumable casually or otherwise by everyman.

Another intriguing piece deconstructs the notion of "home", the architecture of domestic life, in post-Meiji. Its author, Jordan Sands, notes one of the big jumps from the feudal to a modern, social construct could be found in the new practice of family dining. This meant synchronizing mealtimes and sharing an eating place. It required replacing individual meal trays with a dining table. He goes on to address other elements of domesticity such as interior design as it imposes and implies social status and carves out the possibility of privacy.

The author's own essay focuses on agrarianism. "At the end of the 1920s embattled farmers and rustic intellectuals transformed agrarianism into a movement of economic renewal and political activism. Farmers, desperately searching for practical solutions to the very real problem of economic survival, and rural polemicists, certain that capitalism and city culture were the root cause of the crisis, developed their own brand of agrarianism."  Capitalism's "erosion of social authority" was thwarted by "the enshrinement of the agricultural village as the well-spring of authentic Japanese culture."  As a result of the social turmoil of the 1930s, the reassuring image of harmonious and productive farm families served the ideological needs of many sectors of Japanese society, he concludes."

Vlastos calls upon to Miriam Silverberg for a glimpse of that new “traditional” phenomenon: the café waitress as representative of moga. Not to be confused with geisha and the kissaten, coffeehouse, staff, she was "bourgeois woman's challenge to established gender norms".

[The café was itself a modern construct. Unlike the coffeehouse, which is said to have been established in 1888 and could be considered a version of the pre-modern teahouse, the café, was considered a "modern success of the Taisho-period milk halls," the author says, but does not describe further. Puratan (Printemps) is considered the first Japanese café, modeled after the male-staffed French hangout. Puratan was opened in the spring of 1911 by the artist Matsuyama Shozo, a painter in the yoga (Western style) who served food and wine to go with the graffiti he had painted on the café walls. It catered mainly to the salaried middle class and intellectuals.]

Going back to the front of this article, it attempts to demonstrate how Japan draws upon the past to create and validate the present and uses this energy to illuminate the past. Sounds like a flawed plan for a perpetual motion machine. I maintain that one must go back as far as possible and cite the source. Rand Castile, the American scholar of chanoyu, once observed that Rikyu created wabi. Sabi, on the other hand, cannot be created. "Perhaps wabi exists only in opposition to something." I maintain this tension is similar for the notion of "modernity."

Taking Vlastos at his word, I can't help but look at the Momoyama's chado explosion, with its nostalgic bow to the artifice of wabi and chashitsu -as-cosmos construct. Are these any less contrived than the café and sumo's yokuzono system discussed in his book? Aren't the former "modern" for their time?

When asked why, despite the unbroken lineage and impeccability of presentation of the art, the oiemoto of a major chanoyu school is not designated a "living national treasure", I was told that no one can tell him he isn't.

I would suggest that this practice of self-alignment has something to do with encounters with gaijin. Perhaps it was an act of purification, much like the Biblical Exodus period of isolation and wandering in the desert to galvanize identity. While not discussed, it seems necessary to determine whether there was a lack of fabrication of tradition during the 300 years of Japan's isolation until "opening up".



Two Leaves and a Bud: The Books of Tea


TWO LEAVES AND A BUD: THE BOOKS OF TEA

REVIEWS BY LAUREN W. DEUTSCH
KYOTO JOURNAL 71
Books on, about and of tea are as many and varied as the infusion of two leafs and a bud of camellia sinensis into a beverage. To that end, I offer the same configuration of tea tomes in review: a classic and a new volume. The “bud” has yet to be written.


Spirituality: Okakura’s Opus


The Book of Tea 
by Okakura Kakuzo (1905, Various current sources, including (free) http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/769)

The Book of Tea, by Okakura Kakuzô (Tenshin) (1862–1913), is perhaps the best known single volume purportedly about tea written and published in English. I never knew anyone who drank tea, except iced tea in the summer. Decades before I cared about anything remotely Asian, I noticed the popularity of mini-versions of this book in suburban gift shops (think Hummel porcelain collectable figurines, crystal bud vases, greeting cards, etc.). Sibling topics such as “Ode on a Grecian Urn” and “Love Poems for Mother” always could be found as last minute impulse items near the cash register. One could surmise that if the gift recipient’s knick-knack shelves were full, one of these tiny, tastefully appropriate literary gifts could get one off the hook.
By all accounts Okakura, was a highly-educated expert on the arts and cultures of Japan, as well as those of China and India. “The origins of Okakura’s Book of Tea” are disputed. Some scholars believe it was conceived at Okakura’s summer home in Japan in 1905. Others believe it grew out of a set of discarded notes from a lecture series delivered to a group of women at Fenway Court.”1 Yet another noted the lecture was ostensibly to clarify Japan’s position in the Russo-Japanese War2. It was published posthumously in 1913 and translated into Japanese in 1929. According to the Izura Bijitsukan, the Tenshin Museum in Ibaraki Prefecture, Japan, the title of the Japanese translation of the book is Cha no Hon, literally tea’s book.
These were exciting, chaotic, confusing and yet “romantic” times, where cultural “purity” often took a back seat to both colonial and indigenous impulses to conjure up “traditions” and to take advantage of misinterpretations to support specific personal or political agendas. Commodification of the ethereal and consumption of artifacts for the purpose of boosting one’s social status was equally rampant on both “sides” of the “pond”: hunger for things exotically Eastern in the West countered the rush to Western-style modernity in the East.
Okakura was well suited for the role of arbiter, or as that Texas tongue-twister, the not-soon-enough-to-be ex-president of the USA G.W. Bush would say, “the explainer”. He played a key role in fashioning the prism through which the “orientalization of Asia was constructed.”3 His presence in Boston, Massachusetts was as a consequence of the flood of cultural material, especially “fine” arts, that was leaking by from Japan and China into the USA by shiploads.
At the same time he conceived of an art movement that combined Eastern and Western sensibilities, he employed tea to establish and solidify his critical relationship with the “Queen of Boston”, Mrs. Jack (Isabella Stuart Gardner), the “millionaire Bohemienne”4 and doyenne of the abovementioned Fenway Court. Regardless of his specific literary capacities, his aim was more universal than crafting an owner’s manual to accompany the set of utensils for “stirred tea” that he gifted Mrs. Gardner. “Humanity has so far met in the tea-cup” he said, “… we await the great Avatar. Meanwhile, let us have a sip of tea.” The book / lecture does cover much of the essential spirit of the legacy of chado deeply set within Japanese culture.
It has been said that the man was completely capable of living with one mind fully in two worlds, that he could look at the East from the West and vice versa. And this is one of the criticisms of The Book of Tea: that it was written from that Western hemisphere of his brain. Despite the literal presentation of all those “teas”: spirituality, authenticity, universality, Japanese propriety, etc., he was really positing that “The East and West, like two dragons tossed in a sea of ferment, in vain strive to regain the jewel of life.” 5
His metaphor was so seamless that even my fellow but Japan-born chajins have a hard time discussing it. They likewise have extreme difficulty understanding why anyone not Japanese would invest over two decades to learn the art form. When I ask them why they were so dedicated, it is merely because they are Japanese.
 
Sustainability: Hohenegger’s Liquid Jade

Liquid Jade: The Story of Tea from East to West by Beatrice Hohenegger
(2006. St. Martin’s Press. New York.)
 
The second “leaf” of the pick is not merely the finger pointing at the plant, but the plant itself — yes, camellia sinensis in glorious profusion — bursting anecdotes about ancestors, encompassing provenance to politics and philosophies and, most importantly, asks pointed question about the sustainability of the product and those whose livelihoods are dependent upon it.
In Liquid Jade: The Story of Tea from East to West (2006, St. Martin’s Press, New York), author / historian Beatrice Hohenegger has packed an enormous amount of information into a trim, enjoyable read. She charts the complexities of intrigue, trade and substance of that precious, enigmatic “elixir and commodity” from the depths of East Asia through the West of present day. “The more I researched historical events, the more the story of tea became the story of traumatic encounter and clash of cultures between East and West,” she states.
One enjoys rambling through the compact account, jumping from the mythic accounts of the discovery of the East’s renown proprietary medicinal plant and seemingly magical properties, its adoption into and impact upon well-established cultural patterns and agencies. From there, tea joins other “exotic” prizes of the East, such as opium, porcelain, silk and spices in the manifests of Western traders. Her book offers “curiosities, obscurities, misnomers and facts”, from botany to various twists and turns of the leaf as it makes it way from bush to bag and beyond. From China everywhere else, Hohenegger furnishes historical anecdotes from numerous sources as well as period black / white engravings related to tea. It is the perfect counterpoint to a gathering of friends and the solitude of private meditation. Whether East or West or in between, this simple, singular plant has kept true to its promises most patiently.
Unlike other recent tea-themed books that are content to report a contemporary surge in popularity of the beverage and pin varietals to the world map, Hohenegger puts forth for readers’ consideration how contemporary multinational corporations have taken over where colonial powers left off, contributing to the impoverished conditions of both the tea-growing soil and its caretaking indigenous population. She poses possibilities of organic farming, fair-trade practices, including a detailed account of how a Canadian woman has taken on tribal politics in the fertile Upper Assam region of India — replete with racketeering, extortion and murders — to help a small, indigenous tea-growing clan, the Singpho, to not only learn to grow their tea in sustainable ways for the earth, but also to control the entire vertical aspect of production, from field to processing for export. “The balance to be achieved among the various social, economic and cultural components is fragile.” Through the author’s farsightedness, tea joins coffee, chocolate and other ancient foodstuffs on the list of the earth’s most precious bounty.
 ----------------
1 Breslow, Rebecca G. “Humanity in a Tea-cup: Isabella Stewart Gardner and Okakura Kakuzo”, Chanoyu Quarterly No. 85, Urasenke Foundation, Kyoto, 1996.
2 Inaga, Shigemi “Reconsidering Okakura Tenshin as the Inventor of Oriental Art History” Abstracts of the 1999 Association of Asian Studies Annual Meeting, Boston 1999 http://www.aasianst.org/absts/1999abst/japan/j-toc.htm
3 Nothelfer, Frank G., “Rethinking Okakura Tenshin” Abstracts of the 1999 Association of Asian Studies Annual Meeting ibid.
4 Breslow, ibid
5 Okakura, Kakuzo (Tehshin), The Book of Tea

Tea, Horses, Tourism & Trade


REVIEWS BY LAUREN W. DEUTSCH
KYOTO JOURNAL 71

The Ancient Tea Horse Road: Travels with the Last of the Himalayan Muleteers
by Jeff Fuchs (2008. Viking, Canada)

Tea and Tourism: Tourists, Traditions and Transformations
Lee Joliffe ED. (2007. Channel View Publications, Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto)

Delamu
Tian Zhuangzhuang, director. (BDI Films/Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) / Kuming Datongdao Film and TV/Beijing Time United Culture Developing Co.)


In every age there are celebrated corridors that clearly define the distance between “here” and “there”, while others connect “past” and “present”. One never knows where one is enroute unless there’s a reason to start, a reason to stop, or a path is crossed, intentionally or otherwise.

It was along such a route, the Internet, that I found Canadian photojournalist Jeff Fuchs. On one level of reality, he was virtually no farther than three clicks away from my home in Los Angeles California, at http://www.planetranger.com/vandor, where he was blogging with a fifth grade class in Ottawa Canada. In another, he was trekking deep in the Himalayas somewhere on the Chamagudao, (茶马古道), the Tea Horse Road, an ancient network connecting China to India via Tibet and Nepal.

The Tea Horse Road – the “Southern ‘Silk’ Route” -- is actually a two-branched thoroughfare with manifold tributaries some 2,350 kilometers in all. Its main branches – Yunnan to Lhasa and the other beginning in Sichuan – had been a major commercial trade route from the 7th century until 1950s, established by the Chinese who coveted sturdy Tibetan “war” horses for employment in their military exploits. In exchange Tibetans coveted tea, especially Pu’er, the “tribute” tea, which they enjoyed as beverage and for its medicinal purposes. Along the way other local commodities – salt, sugar and wild-crafted substances such as medicinal mushrooms, caterpillar casings (supposed to be an aphrodisiac) were actively traded.

In its Song Dynasty (960 – 1127 CE) heyday, Tea Horse Road trading posts saw up to 2,000 people a day carrying upwards of 7,500 tons of goods[1]. Unlike in Mongolia, where the “roads” themselves are nomadic, the venerable paths are well worn into the rocks as well as the current memories of myriad tribal peoples who have inhabited for generations the lands along the way.

No Westerners had personally participated in the movement of tea across 78 peaks, two of the world's highest plateaus and crossing the mighty Mekong (Lancang), Salween (NuJiang) and Jinsha (Yangzi) rivers that tracked through lush valleys. An experienced mountaineer in the Himalayas where he enjoyed collecting “mangled yak turd pies of tea” like others collect fine wine, Fuchs wanted to be the first Westerner to traverse the route’s entirety, formally only accomplished by legendary muleteers known as lados.

Fuchs explains that, unlike Marco Polo’s accounts of his trek along the Silk Route, this story heretofore has been entirely of Asian recollections. The trek, which began in from his base in Shangri-la in 2002, took seven months traveling by foot, horse, mules, automobile and even via airplane, the latter to facilitate quick transition between legs of the route.

He purposefully crafted his route out of sequence, by starting in the Tibetan regions, and thereby came “to appreciate the deeper effects of tea and its relationships with the isolated peoples of the mountains ... I had a first-hand taste of how little tea’s influence has diminished. I was able to see how crucial tea was to so many, and gain an understanding of the reasons for its valued longevity in lands far removed from the green leaf’s birthplace.” Thereby, Fuchs’ effort honors those whose lives depended upon the road by making his journey an end in itself.

His plans were outlined in the blog:

So much conflicting information on where the actual Yunnan Tea Horse Road is. There are many old caravan routes, postal routes, immigrant corridors, but only ONE Tea Horse Route ... some scholars have clarified where the exact route lies.

This project is dependant upon scholars, elders, legend, diligence and patience in no particular order, and up until now all has worked out.

From here [the Shangri-la base] we head deeper south to near the Laos/Yunnan border regions where the heart of the tea growing region exists. Traditionally Dai people grew and produced Puer tea for the purpose of transportation further north and into Tibet.

Later we head to Sichuan for the second major tributary of the Tea Horse Route, the aptly named "Sichuan Tibet Tea Horse Route". Here they transported Ya'an tea into Tibet although from what we've been told, Tibetans loved the Puer from Yunnan far more than the "shallow" flavoured Ya'an from (yes you guessed it) Ya'an.

The last and final segment will be a half jeep / half trek from Lhasa to Nepal and into northern India where we will meet with some of the oldest traders left in Kalimpong.

All is well and I suppose tea has taken over from the mountains as our guardian.

His generous online postings prompted real-time queries from his young correspondents in Canada: Does yak milk tastes gross? Why is juniper oil good for a safe trip? What is the caterpillar fungus used for? How was the frostbite cured? How did the people in the small villages respond to your technology (computer)? The blog compliments his recently published adventure-travel book, The Ancient Tea Horse Road: Travels with the Last of the Himalayan Muleteers.

The book goes into details on who and why Fuchs chose his trekking partners from among the tenacious Kham peoples – Eastern Tibetans – the most experienced mountaineers who could contribute local languages, had a range of trading and other social skills, and would provide good natured company while enduring life-threatening conditions, such as frostbite, bandits, snow-blindness and hunger.

Picking up local guides along the way proved helpful as the team needed to rely on the hospitality of small villages along the way as had the caravans for centuries before them. He relates how truly “civilized” life revolves around sharing of tea with a stranger, even in the underdeveloped, remote places of human existence. At every opportunity, the offering of tea was a universal sign of support for their effort. Fuchs kept a stash of Pu’er in his pocket during the most remote legs of the journey. Breaking off a piece from the brick and adding a bit of hot water immediately demonstrated the sincerity of his intentions.

Whenever possible he sought out meetings with the few venerable remnant tsompos, caravansary leaders, who were pleased to recount stories of their past and to offer routings and cautions about the locations and conditions of the paths. Some legs of the journey were local shortcuts hardly ever used anymore, other were completely covered by chest deep snow.

These men, the least of their breed, would be away from their families on the trail for months at a time in charge of schlepping their employer’s precious cargo with promises of payment backed by nothing more than gentlemen’s agreements. Their tales of competition for right-of-way along the single lane paths cut deep into the mountain bedrock or of “highway” robbers who would stop at nothing to claim a bit of cargo, are among the last first-hand accounts of a lifestyle long gone.

What information about the horses is lacking in The Ancient Tea Horse Road: Travels with the Last of the Himalayan Muleteers, it more than makes up for in discussion about tea. Fuchs’ knowledge of camellia sinensis is extensive and technical, yet his writing provides even the neophyte tea drinker a close understanding of how tea is grown / harvested and the manifold ways it is processed, transported and its relative value among other commodities. His stops in processing plants and ultimately tea shops give the reader a full understanding of what happens to the leaf from the plant to palate. Fuchs' wonderful photographs are unfortunately few in number and poorly reproduced in black / white and color in the book.

[A wonderful visual companion is Delamu[2], (Tibetan for “Peaceful Angel”) a documentary film by Chinese director Tian Zhuangzhuang.  It is very short on dialogue, and long on self-narrated cameo portraits by some of the people who live in the villages en route and gorgeous scenery along the Nijiang River Valley. It shows the love that the lados had for their mules (the film title is the name of one of the four-legged family members), the treacherous pathways and the need for extraordinary cooperation to make the route productive for all.]

As the ultimate tea tourist, Fuchs is sensitive about how tea has sustained cultures and the people in along the “Road”. Yang Fuquan, writing in the 2004 Newsletter of the Silk Road Foundation, concurs, noting “the road also served as a significant corridor for migration as well as a channel for cultural communication among the ethnic groups in western China ... beyond this it was a bridge for international cultural and economic exchange between China and India.”[3]

What’s next for the Tea Horse Road? According to “New Highways Revitalize Ancient Tea Horse Roads”[4], an online article by Jason Rush for the Asian Development Bank, “A new highway is connecting isolated rural communities with modern commercial corridors, and fostering new economic links that carry with them the potential to bring the people along the highway a new level of prosperity.”

In a way, nothing is new, more cyclical. In a distant echo of news from the first caravans, he recalls that in Man Mai village, “nestled in the Xishuangbanna region of the PRC’s Yunnan province, 19-year-old Ha Ge and his family own a field of ancient tea trees whose roots date back more than a thousand years. The tea from the trees is a highly valued commodity in PRC, and the family is seeing firsthand how expanded access to broader markets can change lives. Ha Ge and his community now can tap into regional markets willing to pay a premium price for Pu’er tea, bettering their lives in the process.”

The future also holds great prospects of tea tourism, hopefully sustainable tourism. While most adventure travel in China remains focused on the “exotic ethnic” peoples rather than tea, several English language tour operator are including a reference to the venerable route on their web sites. Dayan in Lijang, a noted tea site, has undergone such transformation and attracted domestic tourists; although its popularity is not due to its prominence in the tea trade.

While it is often compared to the northern “Silk Route”, which has been attracting international tourism, what is unique about the Tea Horse Route is that it is still very much, however barely, living history. Any effort to conserve should also sustain, if not improve, the people who live along its way and the earth which provides their nourishment.

In Tea and Tourism: Tourists, Traditions and Transformations, editor Lee Jolliffe not only presents articles that link the histories tea producing and consuming cultures (Fujian Province, Hangzhou, Sri Lanka, Kenya and Assam, in the first case, and the UK, Canada and the rest of China in the second), his colleagues look into the contemporary issues of how the resurgence of popularity of tea has given remote, underdeveloped regions a reason to considering investment in developing necessary infrastructure to establish a lucrative, tea-centric tourism-based enterprise.

In addition to promoting the route’s romantic exotic peoples, there’s money to be made welcoming eco-tourists to stalk wild tea bushes, visit plantations, gardens, processing facilities, markets and auctions. Other visitors – from the tea hobbyist to Asiaphiles -- can enjoy festivals and seminars, visit historic and artisan sites, such as pottery studios and enjoy cafes, buy souvenirs, stay in guest houses, etc.

Contributor Paul Leung Kin Han suggests that improvement of the roadway and development of tourism infrastructure might also mitigate rural poverty, especially at the small-scale village industry level, “facilitate natural environment preservation and cultural asset conservation” not just in China, but in every one of the 57 countries where tea is produced as a commodity. Tea tourism in China is developing among domestic as well as inbound visitors from abroad. A friend from Yunnan tells me that Taiwanese entrepreneurs are already building restaurants, cafes and hotels in the tea garden region.

Tea and Tourism contributor Hillary Du Cross suggests that the geographic complex of route and people and commodity might be added to world heritage lists as a “linear cultural landscape” or an asset of high national significance.

She also cautions that for the Chinese government to realize the value of the Tea Horse Road’s tangible and intangible cultural heritage assets of the route, national and international significance has to be documented.

In addition to anecdotal information, such as oral history and photographs gathered by Fuchs and his photojournalist comrades, extensive, accurate, detailed facts must be and researched and analyzed, whether for a town, a tea making process, a personality or the route itself, before any claims can be staked and governmental investments secured.

Fuchs’ book will not necessarily promote a run on Chinese embassy visa offices by tea-tipplers or even those with impeccable taste buds. It’s an account of a technical accomplishment, more of use to someone who has a topo map rather than one from the rental car company. However, in addressing the challenges to documenting if not also improving the lives of the current generation of folks who live along the Tea Horse Road today, time is of the essence. The World Monument Fund has listed the Sideng Market in the Shazi Valley (between Dali and Lijang) on the list of the 100 most endangered World Monuments, as the “last intact ‘caravanserai-like’ stopover in China.” Fuchs’ first-hand impressions may be among the last.

Excerpt 
The Ancient Tea Horse Road: Travels with the Last of the Himalayan Muleteers by Jeff Fuchs

As we slipped down a Simaon tea alley in the tropical heat, a stern teahouse hostess invited us into her shop with a forcible hospitality more common to Tibetans than the Chinese or minority tribes. The alley consisted of neat rows of nearly identical teahouses that opened onto a walkway. We were in the realm of tea purism; such alleys were visited by addicts rather than by tourists. The shop we now found ourselves in was a small tidy room with a tea table that took up a good quarter of the space. The room smelled of dried tea, and every bit of space was occupied by bags of tea, stacks of dry tea cakes, a shelf of vintage tea, loose leaf tea, bricks of tea, and poorly printed photographs of tea fields. While most teahouse owners engaged themselves with card games or television, this woman appeared to have deemed herself responsible for educating the two foreigners in the ways of Puer, and it was her intensity that drew us in.

In the Simao Prefecture, tea was not only enjoyed by revered, used in ceremonies and purchased not by the gram but by the kilogram. Here there was a ritualistic aspect to tea, in both its preparation and its consumption, whereas in the Tibetan regions it was a basic ingredient of life, one that nourished and warmed. But we were far from the rough ways of Tibetan tea etiquette. I tried to imagine a tall, raw-boned Khampa encased in a chupa – a long wool coat – and pleated hair sitting next to us, with these delicate ornaments and discussions of tea-drinking etiquette. Although his meaning of tea might differ, its importance and value would be the same. ...

Simao had been a centre of tea cultivation for thousands of years, and Simao’s tea had been making its way to Tibet for more than thirteen hundred years. Even in china, tea purists referred to the area as the home of tea. Simao’s climate and altitude is perfect for growing that oddly named and most unusual of teas, Puer. Tea, its production, its culture and particularly its consumption were all of the utmost importance in Simao. First consumed as a medicine and as a food, tea was originally referred to as tu, meaning bitter herb, before becoming known from the eighth century onward as cha – tea. It has always been integral to the lives and diets of Yunnan’s ancient Tibeto-Burman lives. (p. 150-1)

Ya’an, the beginning of the Sichuan-Tibet Tea Horse Road ... had once been the home to horse markets and the dreaded ax officials. Whereas the deep south of Yunnan had been largely in the hands of the ethnic minorities, Ya’an has always been a Chinese stronghold. Simao and Puer in  Yunnan were the southern-most points visited by lados; Ya’an was the most easterly. ...

Teas from Ya’an were readily available in Lhasa, sold in their recognizable long woven bamboo containers, though the tea themselves were completely different in shape, colour and type from the Yunnan Puers. They had long been imbibed not only in Tibet but in all the frontier regions for as long as the caravans had been carrying tea. We were in the land that became the largest producer of teas for  Tibet, home to the “Celestial” green tea of Mengshan and of the famous bian cha, the frontier / borderland tea. It was also an area where the local governments held a monopoly on the export of tea, controlling the completely the production and trade of the green.  ...

The porters carried much of the tea, piled high on their backs, treading along the mountain paths that led from the tea towns around Ya’an to the main markets of Kangding (Dartsendo to Tibetans). Many died tumbling off cliffs, tied to their tea. Merciless treks in bamboo sandals, carrying hundred-kilogram loads of tea for weeks on end – the porters’ stories were the stuff of legends. And like the lados, there were fewer and fewer porters still living. (p.184, 185)



[1] http://www.chinaexpat.com/article/2007/04/11/history/ancient-tea-horse-road.html
[2] A BDI Films/Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK)/Kuming Datongdao Film and TV/Beijing Time United Culture Developing Co. presentation of a BDI/Beijing Time United Culture Developing Co. production. Produced by Takahiro Hamano, Yang Zhao. Executive producers, Lui Zhao, Hao Li, Toyohiko Harada. Co-executive producer, Nobuo Isobe. Directed by Tian Zhuangzhuang.
 [3] Fuquan, Yang, “The ‘Ancient Tea and Horse Caravan Road,’ the ‘Silk Road’ of southwest China” http//www.silkroadfoundation.org/newsletter/2004vol2lnum1/tea.htm
[4] http://www.adb.org/Media/Articles/2008/12430-mekong-roads-developments/ Also on that site is the fast action video, Closing the Gap: Highway 3 Kunming to Bangkok http://mms.adb.org/Media/Video/GMS/gms-route3.wmv/, and slide show, Revitalizing the Tea Horse Road http://www.adb.org/Documents/Photos/GMS/Tea-Horse-Road, both worth watching.